Freer + Sackler Conference: Portugal, the Persian Gulf, and Safavid Persia

Freer and Sackler Portugal Conference

A few months ago, we wrote about Iranian art at the Freer + Sackler Galleries in Washington, D.C. Here’s a quick heads-up for all the history and geography buffs about a pretty specific conference the F+SG are co-sponsoring, in conjunction with the Iran Heritage Foundation, from September 7-9, 2007. From their newsletter:

In conjunction with the Iran Heritage Foundation, the Freer and Sackler Galleries have organized a conference to focus on five hundred years of exchanges between Portugal and Safavid Persia, particularly their activities in the Persian Gulf basin between 1500 and 1700. Portuguese interaction with the Ottoman Empire, Arab principalities, and India, as well as with rival European merchants active in the area, is also examined. Discussion topics include sources and historiography, mutual perceptions, trade, diplomacy and politics, missionary activities, and cross-cultural exchanges. Visit www.iranheritage.org/portugalconference/ to register or for more information, please email farhad@iranheritage.org.

(Image: via Freer + Sackler Galleries; Portrait of Afonso de Albuquerque; Goa, India, 16th century; Mixed technique on wood; Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon, Portugal.)

Iranians and Domestic Violence

Iranians and Domestic Violence

The Orange County Register ran a story recently about domestic violence in the Iranian community and a group of Iranian men who are speaking out against it and supporting its victims. The men’s group is called the Keyholders, and according to the man pictured above, Mohsen Alinaghian, it’s been difficult to get Iranians involved. This is a real shame, as efforts like this, which open dialog about domestic violence, are a powerful way both to hold its perpetrators accountable and to deflect some of the shame and loneliness felt by the victims. When we pretend domestic violence doesn’t exist among Iranians, we are doubly victimizing the women and children (and in some cases, men) who have nowhere to turn within our community.

I wish the Keyholders had a website of their own, but unfortunately I have not been able to find anything besides the link above. If anyone has more information, please leave a comment. And please pass along this story.

(Photo: Mindy Schauer, the OC Register)

View from Iran, View from Here

View from Iran header
Esther and Keivan, the once-pseudonymous couple behind the blog View from Iran, are now living outside Iran and have just revealed their offline identities. Esther is Tori Egherman and Keivan is Kamran Ashtary; together they’ve published a book of photos and essays, Iran: View from Here, which can be previewed on their site. It looks fascinating and frankly it’s good to finally see the publication of a nonfiction book about Iran that’s not strictly about politics or, even worse, a straight memoir.

You can read more about Tori and Kamran on the Ashtary Design bio page.

[Image: View from Iran]

Demokrasi Video by the Abjeez


The latest Abjeez video, for the song “Demokrasi,” went live on YouTube this Saturday, and like their other videos, it’s pretty brilliant. Demokrasi has the sisters posing as TV reporters – they sing the entire song with vapid news-anchor faces, and at the bottom of the screen, the scrolling news ticker is a translation of the lyrics they’re singing. (A side note: the song is spelled “DemoKracy” on YouTube but “Demokrasi” on their album – but they don’t spell “imminent” correctly in the video either, so who knows?) This song is by far the most political on their album, and their delivery here gives it extra sting.

To see their other videos, check out the Abjeez YouTube channel, and see this post in the Pars Arts archives for more on the Abjeez.

The Effect of Oil Rationing on Iranian Stability


When I lived in Egypt, I was always told that the way to spark a revolution was not through expanding democratic institutions, establishing grassroots political parties, or weakening Mubarak’s totalitarian regime. Rather, revolution would come with a reduction of wheat subsidies by the US, which would result in an increase to the price of bread. Egyptian friends would always recount, often facetiously but with truth nonetheless, that the closest Egypt had gotten to a national popular revolution was when the government either increased the price of bread or decreased the bread’s size in order to reduce the subsidization.

Why did this happen? Because humans care less about political idealism and more about practical necessities. Affect the ability of people to provide for themselves and you have the fruits of a democratic revolution.

In Iran, I have no doubt that recent oil rationing does more to destabilize the current regime than any political or ideological movement inside or outside of Iran. It is not a coincidence that anti-Iranian opposition groups – like the MKO, a Marxist Islamic terrorist group that’s behind http://www.netnative.com/news/05/sep/1122.html” target=new>the IranFocus.com “news” site – are emphasizing the protests as much as possible. Think about it this way: immediately following the creation of fuel rations, several incidents of violence sparked throughout the country. According to Rooz Online, “Clashes took place in gas stations on Resalat Street, Shariati Square, Fath Square, corner of Abureihan and Azadi streets, among other locations.” These are not areas generally associated with upper class families. In fact the protestors are not known to be Iranian university students, who typically come from wealthy or affluent families, but rather taxi drivers, contract workers, and laborers, who interesting, provided broad-based support to conservative and moderate elements in both the Iranian Parliament and the Presidency. Contrast that with protests in Iran’s holding of political prisoners, or in Iran’s suppression of free speech. These protests have generally occurred at universities and parks located in Northern Tehran and are organized and frequented by Iranian students and elites. What this means is that the issue of oil rationing, an economic and social matter, affects Iranians more acutely and is more likely to encourage them to revolt than are issues of free speech and assembly, civil and political issues. In order words, bread and oil are the keys to democratization, not freedom and press.

To make the effects of oil rationing a bit more vivid, let’s take a story recounted to me by a friend of mine who has family in Iran. A business owner in Iran has an office on the outskirts of Tehran, in the city of Karaj. Prior to the enactment of the law, he would commute to and from his office, roughly an hour and a half drive (100 miles). Because of the new restrictions on oil, he is unable to commute any longer and now he (as well as his employees) sleeps at the office, since the gas requirements for his commute would easily exceed the monthly allocations.

On a side note, Iran’s attempt for economic independence draws interesting parallels to South Africa’s end to apartheid and China’s actions following the Cultural Revolution. In each case, both countries were alienated from the international community and sought to cushion themselves from sanctions and trade embargoes by making their countries self-sufficient. South Africa’s attempts succeeded insofar that they resisted change from the outside, but ultimately, apartheid collapsed because it polarized the huge majority of persons living inside its territories. China is clearly still successful and appears to be a template that Iran seeks to replicate. More interesting is that Iran has significant ties with both countries and continuously sends government emissaries and intellectuals to pattern these countries’ political and economic developments.

[Video: LiveLeak]

5 Jul 2007, 11:05pm
Music
by Pars Arts

4 comments

RIP Mahasti

Mahasti

Iranian singer Mahasti died just a little over a week ago, on June 25.

Though her songs don’t have the same cheerful pop vibe Googoosh personifies, Mahasti’s place among the doyennes of 1970s Iranian music is well-deserved, alongside her (arguably more famous) older sister, Hayedeh, who died in 1990. Here’s Mahasti, singing “Vay Delam Tangeh” (roughly translated, that means “My heart aches”):

And here’s a clip of her appearing on Fereydoun Farrokhzad’s variety show in the 1970s (which is a post unto itself). She’s wearing a fantastic white dress and sporting a perfect coif and her trademark red lipstick:

Mahasti was distinctive for her plaintive voice and sad songs – though interestingly, and maybe it’s telling, she always smiled when she sang. Rest in peace, Mahasti.

Using Popular Discontent to Create an Unpopular Government

Reza Pahlavi
In 1979, Iran witnessed the creation of an unpopular government based purely on popular discontent. In 2007, another group of people – Solidarity Iran – are seemingly attempting to ferment similar change by using popular discontent in order to create a government in Iran based on their own wishes. Never, except for possibly once in the 1950s, has any authority in Iran come to power purely with the vision of instituting a government on the bases or desires of the Iranian people. Each has come with its own self-serving agenda in mind, which is why each has also failed to satisfy the people of Iran. The group of exiles launching the movement “Solidarity Iran” are no different. It is because almost every dissident group comes with an agenda, comes with a perceived method that places themselves in power, and comes from a perspective of egoism rather than civil service, that each inevitably fails to achieve not only the popular support of Iranians but also experiences internal conflicts.

As noted by Ahmad Ra’fat, “What Iranians outside are fighting for is quite different from what Iranians inside the country want.”

Iranians on the outside want a form-based government. They want to see a constitutional monarchy, like Reza Pahlavi’s; or they want to see a socialist government, like the MKO. They desire structures and persons. They’ve decided on their presidents and representatives, should they come into power. They are not content driven, and even if they are, the content of rights which they seek to give Iranians are overshadowed by the the form in which they wish to place those rights. Reza Pahlavi, for example, talks about content (human rights, democracy, and freedom) but will always be overshadowed by form (the creation of a monarchy). Rightfully so, we should never fully trust an individual who conflates personal interests with the interest of others – it’s like trusting a director of a corporation who is trying to persuade the rest of the board to agree to a contract with another company he owns. The conflict of interest is so large, it’s impossible to ignore. In the same way, our exiles have too many conflicts of interest to ignore. Nor should they be ignored, for to ignore them risks creating a situation dreadfully similar to 1979.

In the end, should we trust Solidarity Iran? No. We can never trust any organization which wishes to use foreign powers to accomplish its own objectives. The fact that the Solidarity Iran movement is filled with persons whose objective is coupled with how successful they are at persuading European and American powers, is all the indication we need that they cannot be trusted as actually desiring to fulfill the needs of Iranians everywhere.

The Iranian Government is Targeting the Diaspora, not the United States

I wrote about this issue on Iranian Truth, but I think it’s relevant to address this matter in a more direct way, given that there have been various theories posited in regard to Iran’s recent arrests of Iranian-Americans. These arrests are not an attack against America. They are an attack against us, the Iranian diaspora. They are a method being used to silence our dissent and our efforts to discuss democracy and human rights openly and without fear. They are part of a process being used to make us second-guess our efforts, our thoughts, our beliefs, and our hopes. See the effect:

In a recent NY Times interview Professor Abbas Milani, the director of the Iranian studies program at Stanford University, is quoted as saying, “People don’t want to come to conferences, they don’t even want to talk on the phone. The regime has created an atmosphere of absolute terror.” The National Iranian American Council notes that Iranian-Americans are hesitant to go to Iran this summer due to the arbitrariness of the arrests and detentions. As a result, in fact, the State Department has gone so far as to specifically advise Iranian-Americans to “consider the risk of being targeted by authorities before planning to travel to Iran.”